Quit India Speech – Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi | Speech Collection | History and Politics Series

On August 8, 1942, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi issued the call for the “Quit India” movement, marking a new chapter in India’s struggle for independence against British rule. Founded on the principle of non-violent resistance, this movement spread nationwide under Gandhi’s leadership. Gandhi urged the Indian people to expel the British rulers from the country, declaring, “Do or Die”—meaning that Indians would not sit idly by until victory was achieved in this struggle. This speech stands as a historic milestone in India’s independence movement, exerting immense pressure on the British rulers and intensifying the nation’s struggle for freedom. The speech was originally delivered in Hindustani and English. For the convenience of reading in Bengali, it has been translated.

Location: Bombay (now Mumbai)

Date: August 8, 1942

Brothers and Sisters,

Before you discuss the resolution, let me place before you clearly two matters. I would ask you to consider them from my point of view, because if you approve of it, the great responsibility of following my words will fall upon you. It is a massive responsibility. Many people ask me whether I am the same Gandhi as I was in 1920, or if there has been any change in me. It is a perfectly valid question to ask.

However, I want to assure you that I am the same Gandhi today as I was in 1920. Fundamentally, no change has occurred within me. I attached the highest importance to non-violence then, and I do the same today—rather, I would say, I believe in it even more profoundly now. The resolution that is placed before you at this moment is not contradictory to my previous statements and writings.

Occasions like this arise but once in a lifetime—not in everyone’s life, but only in the lives of a select few. I want you to realize that whatever I am saying and doing today is inspired by the spirit of absolute non-violence. The draft resolution of the Congress Working Committee is based entirely on non-violence; at the root of this struggle lies the ideal of non-violence. Therefore, if any of you have lost faith in non-violence or have grown tired of it, please do not vote in favor of this resolution.

I wish to explain my position clearly. God has granted me an invaluable weapon in the form of non-violence. I and my non-violence are facing a test today. At this moment, when the whole world is burning in the fires of violence and crying out for deliverance—if I do not utilize this God-given power, God will not forgive me, and I shall be doing an injustice to this great gift. Therefore, I must act now. I cannot merely remain a spectator, especially when Russia and China are under threat.

Our movement is not for the acquisition of power, but to attain India’s independence through purely non-violent means. A victorious leader in a violent revolution often establishes a dictatorship through a military coup. But in the Congress’s plan—which is fundamentally non-violent—there is no room for dictatorship. A non-violent freedom fighter desires nothing for himself; he struggles solely for the freedom of his country. The Congress is completely impartial on this matter—who will rule after independence is achieved is a matter for the people. The reigns of governance may then fall into the hands of the Parsis—which I would witness with immense joy—or into the hands of someone whose name is not even discussed in the Congress today. Then you will not have the right to say, “This community is too minuscule, this group did not play a major role in the freedom struggle, so why should they hold power?” From its very inception, the Congress has remained above communalism. The Congress has always thought of the entire nation and acted accordingly.

I know our non-violence is still far from perfection, and our journey is still long. But there is no place for ultimate defeat in non-violence. I believe that if, despite our limitations, something great happens, it will be by the grace of God—as a reward for our relentless pursuit over the past twenty-two years.

I believe that in the history of humanity, there has never been a movement as genuinely democratic as our struggle for freedom. I read Carlyle’s ‘French Revolution’ while in prison, and Pandit Jawaharlal has told me a little about the Russian Revolution. But I firmly believe that because those revolutions were waged through violence, they failed to establish true democracy. The democracy I envision, a democracy established on the foundation of non-violence, will ensure equal freedom for all. Everyone will be his own master. It is to join the struggle for such a democracy that I invite you today. When you realize this, you will forget the differences between Hindus and Muslims and think of yourselves solely as Indians—participating in the struggle for independence as one undivided nation.

Now, let me speak of our attitude toward the British. I have noticed that hatred toward the British has grown among the people. They are disgusted and exhausted by British behavior. The people do not distinguish between British imperialism and the British people—to them, both are the same. Because of this hatred, they are even ready to welcome the Japanese. This is extremely dangerous. It would mean accepting one slavery in exchange for another. We must rid ourselves of this feeling. Our quarrel is not with the British people; we fight their imperialism. The proposal for the British to withdraw from India has not come out of anger; rather, it has come to ensure India’s rightful role during this critical juncture.

It is not a matter of joy that a vast country like India remains merely a supplier of money and resources—that too, exacted by force—while the Allies are fighting the war. We cannot evoke true sacrifice and heroism until we are free. I know that if we can make sufficient sacrifices, the British government will not be able to withhold our freedom from us. Therefore, we must eradicate hatred from our minds. I can say for myself that I have never felt hatred. In fact, I consider myself a greater friend of the British now than ever before. One reason for this is that they are in distress today. It is out of that sense of friendship that I wish to save them from their mistakes. As I see the situation, they are on the brink of destruction. Therefore, it has become my duty to warn them, even if it angers them or makes them reject a helping hand. People may laugh, but this is my conviction. I may have to step into the greatest struggle of my life, yet I shall harbor no hatred toward anyone.

I congratulate you on the resolution that you have passed. I also congratulate those three comrades who, knowing that the majority of the members were in favor of the resolution, still had the courage to demand a division on the amendment. And I congratulate the thirteen friends who voted against the resolution. There is no shame in this for them. For the past twenty years, we have tried to learn the lesson that even when we are in a hopelessly small minority or are subjected to ridicule, we must not lose heart. We have learned to stand firm in our convictions, with the self-confidence that we are on the right path. We should practice the courage of such conviction, for it elevates a person and increases his moral stature.

While I congratulate these friends for displaying this courage, I must say that the amendments they asked this committee to accept are not a true reflection of the current situation. These friends should have thoughtfully considered Maulana Sahib’s earnest appeal to withdraw the amendments. If they had listened to Jawaharlalji’s explanations with deep attention, they would have realized that the rights they are now demanding from the Congress have already been recognized by it.

There was a time when every Muslim claimed the whole of India as his motherland. During those years, when the Ali brothers were with me, all their speeches and discussions were based on the conviction that India belongs to the Muslims just as much as it belongs to the Hindus. I can bear witness that this was their deep-seated, heartfelt belief, not a façade; I lived with them for years. I spent days and nights in their company. And I can boldly say that their statements were honest and genuine expressions of their beliefs. I know some say that I trust people’s words too easily, that I am too naive. But I do not think I am as simple or as gullible as they assume. However, their criticism does not hurt me. I would rather be considered simple-minded than deceitful.

There is actually nothing new in the amendments proposed by these Communist friends. These things have been repeated from thousands of platforms. Thousands of Muslims have told me that if the Hindu-Muslim problem is to be resolved satisfactorily, it must happen during my lifetime. I should be proud of this; but how can I accept a proposal that my intellect finds unacceptable?

Hindu-Muslim unity is not a new concept. Millions of Hindus and Muslims have striven for that unity. I myself have consciously striven for that goal since childhood. While in school, I made efforts to build friendships with Muslim and Parsi classmates. Even then, I believed that if the Hindus of India wished to live in peace and harmony with other communities, they must practice mutual amity. I used to think that it might not matter if I didn’t cultivate friendships specifically with Hindus, but I absolutely had to build friendships with at least a few Muslims.

I went to South Africa as a lawyer for a Muslim businessman. There, I formed friendships with more Muslims, even with the opponents of my client, and I earned a reputation as an honest and trustworthy man. Among my friends were both Muslims and Parsis. I had won their hearts, and when I returned to India permanently, they bid me farewell with tears of sorrow.

Upon arriving in India, I continued my efforts for unity and left no stone unturned. Out of that eternal desire, I wholeheartedly cooperated with the Muslims in the Khilafat Movement. Muslims across the country accepted me as their true friend.

Why, then, am I considered so unholy, so despicable today? Did I support the Khilafat Movement to serve any selfish interest of my own? Well, deep in my mind, there was a kind of hope—perhaps through this, I could protect the cow. I am a worshipper of the cow. I believe that the cow and I are creations of the same Creator; I am willing to lay down my life to save the cow. But whatever the philosophy of my life or my ultimate hope may have been, I did not join the Khilafat Movement with a bargaining mentality. I joined the movement entirely with the intention of fulfilling my duty as a neighbor, because I saw they were in distress. If the Ali brothers were alive today, they too would testify to the truth of this statement. Many others would testify that this was no bargain to save the cow. The cow and the Khilafat—they stood on their own respective merits. As an honest man, a true neighbor, and a loyal friend, it was my duty to stand by the Muslims in their time of trouble.

At that time, when I spoke of dining with Muslims, I shocked the Hindus. Now they have become somewhat accustomed to it. Maulana Bari told me that he would not let me dine with him, lest someone falsely accuse him of ulterior motives in the future. So, whenever I stayed with him, he would bring in a Brahmin cook and arrange for a separate kitchen. Firangi Mahal, his home, was old-fashioned and cramped; yet he cheerfully endured the hardship and remained steadfast in his decision, from which I could not sway him. In those days, a spirit of courtesy, dignity, and nobility inspired us. We were respectful of each other’s religious sentiments, and we took pride in displaying that respect. There was not a shadow of suspicion in anyone’s mind. Where have that dignity and nobility vanished today?

I appeal to all Muslims—including Quaid-e-Azam Jinnah—to recall those glorious days and to find out how we have plunged into this deep crisis. Quaid-e-Azam Jinnah was once a member of the Congress himself. If the Congress is the target of his wrath today, it is because the poisonous weed of suspicion has taken root in his heart. May God grant him a long life, but when I am no more, he will realize and acknowledge that I never conspired against the Muslims, and their interests were never betrayed by my hands.

There is no path of escape for me if I harm the Muslims or betray their interests. My life is entirely in their hands. They can end it at any moment. There have been attacks on me in the past, but God protected me, and those attackers repented for their actions. But if someone shoots me believing that he is killing a wicked man, he will not be killing the real Gandhi; rather, he will be killing the distorted reflection that he has imagined to be a wicked man.

To those who are running a campaign of abusing and insulting me, I would say, “Islam never teaches one to abuse even an enemy. The Prophet showed mercy even to his enemies, and he won their hearts with his justice and generosity. Are you followers of that Islam, or of something else?” If you are a follower of true Islam, does it suit you to distrust a person when he openly declares his sincerity?

Believe me, one day you will repent that you distrusted and killed a true and devoted friend. When I say this, and Maulana Sahib repeatedly appeals to you, yet the intensity of this campaign of insults only increases—it tears my heart apart. These slanders are like bullets to me—just as a bullet can end my life, these words can destroy me as well. You may kill me—that does not harm me. But what will become of those who hurl these insults? They are bringing disgrace to the very name of Islam.

For the sake of Islam’s reputation, I appeal to you—rein in this incessant campaign of abuse and insults.

Maulana Sahib is being attacked in the foulest language. Why? Because he does not use the pressure of his friendship to force me to accept anything. He understands that friendship is abused when it is used to pressure friends, to force them to accept something that he himself knows is false.

To the Quaid-e-Azam, I would say: Whatever is true and just in the demand for Pakistan is already yours. What is wrong and unreasonable is in no one’s hands to hand over to you. If someone manages to impose a falsehood upon others by force, he will not be able to enjoy the fruits of that coercion for long. God loathes pride and stays away from it. God will never tolerate the imposition of falsehood through coercion.

The Quaid-e-Azam has said that he is compelled to speak bitter words, that he cannot restrain himself from expressing what he thinks and feels. I wish to say something similar: “I consider myself a friend of the Muslims. Why, then, shouldn’t I express my innermost thoughts to them, even if they find it unpleasant? Why should I keep my inner feelings hidden from them?”

I congratulate the Quaid-e-Azam for his honesty, for the way he has expressed his thoughts and feelings, even if they seem bitter to some people. But even so, why should the Muslims sitting here be abused if they do not agree with him? If millions of Muslims are with you, can you not ignore a few Muslims who, in your opinion, are on the wrong path? You, who have the support of millions in your hands, why should you fear for nationality or majority?

How did the Prophet (PBUH) preach Islam among the Arabs and spread it among the Muslims? Did he say, “I will only preach Islam when I have the majority”? I request you, in the interest of Islam and the Muslim nation, to reflect deeply on my words.

It is not righteousness for the Congress to accept something it does not believe in—something that goes against its fundamental principles.

Rajaji said to me: “I do not believe in Pakistan. But the Muslims want it, Mr. Jinnah wants it, and it has become a sort of obsession for them. So why not say ‘yes’ to it right now? Later on, Mr. Jinnah himself will realize the disadvantages of Pakistan and abandon the demand.”

I replied: “It is not right to accept something that I believe to be false. Furthermore, to ask others to accept something, hoping that it will eventually be abandoned, is not right. If I believe the demand is just, I will accept it right now. But I cannot accept something by making false promises.”

The Congress possesses only moral force. They believe that true democracy can only come through non-violence. A World Federation can only be built on the foundation of non-violence—violence must be completely eradicated from world affairs. If this is true, then the solution to the Hindu-Muslim problem cannot be achieved through violence either.

If Hindus oppress Muslims, how will they talk of establishing a World Federation? For this reason, I do not believe that the peace the politicians of England and America speak of establishing through violence will be effective.

The Congress has passed a resolution proposing that all disputes be submitted to an impartial international tribunal for resolution, and that their verdict be abided by. If even such a reasonable proposal is unacceptable, then the only path left is the sword—or violence. But how can I accept something that is impossible?

To demand the partition of a living nation is to ask for its life. This is a call to war. The Congress can never support such a suicidal war.

Those among the Hindus, like Dr. Moonje and Shri Savarkar, who believe in violence and dominance, want to keep the Muslims subordinate to the Hindus. But I do not represent them. I am a representative of the Congress.

You wish to destroy the Congress—the very Congress that brought freedom closer, like the goose that laid the golden eggs. If you do not have faith in the Congress, then know this: India will remain eternally trapped in a clash between Hindus and Muslims, in a cycle of war and bloodshed. If this is our future, I do not wish to see it.

It is for this reason that I say to Jinnah Sahib, “You may take it from me that whatever is in accordance with justice and equity in your demand for Pakistan is already in your pocket; whatever is contrary to justice and equity, you can only take by the sword and by no other means.”

There is much in my heart that I wish to express before this gathering. The one issue that was foremost in my heart, I have already discussed. You may take it from me that this is a matter of life and death for me. If we, Hindus and Muslims, wish to unite as one heart, without any mental reservations, then we must first unite in the effort to free ourselves from the chains of this empire. If Pakistan is ultimately to be a part of India, then what objection can there be for the Muslims to join this struggle for India’s freedom? Therefore, Hindus and Muslims must first unite in the struggle for independence. Jinnah Sahib thinks that the war will go on for a long time. I do not agree with him. If the war continues for another six months, how shall we save China?

Therefore, I demand immediate independence, this very night, before sunrise, if it can be had. Independence cannot wait any longer for the perfect realization of religious unity. If unity is not achieved, the sacrifices required for it will be far greater than what would otherwise have been sufficient. But the Congress must either win freedom or be wiped out in the effort. And do not forget that the freedom the Congress is struggling to achieve is not just for the Congress, but for the 400 million people of India. Congressmen must forever remain the servants of the people.

The Quaid-e-Azam has said that the Muslim League is prepared to take over the administration from the British if they hand it over to the Muslim League, because the British took the empire from the Muslims. But that would be a Muslim state. The resolution that Maulana Sahib and I have proposed is not intended to establish a Muslim state or Muslim dominance. The Congress does not believe in the dominance of any party or community. It believes in democracy, which includes Muslims, Hindus, Christians, Parsis, Jews—every community in this vast land. If a Muslim state cannot be averted, then let it be; but how can we grant our consent to it? How can we accept the dominance of one community over others?

Millions of Muslims in this country belong to Hindu lineage. What else could their motherland be? My eldest son converted to Islam a few years ago. What will be his motherland—Porbandar or Punjab? I ask the Muslims: “If India is not your motherland, then in which country do you live? In which separate motherland will you place my son, who has embraced Islam?” After his conversion, his mother wrote him a letter, asking whether he had given up drinking alcohol upon embracing Islam, as Islam forbids it for its followers. To those who were rejoicing over his conversion to Islam, she wrote in the letter: “I do not worry much about his becoming a Muslim, but I do worry about his drinking. Will you, pious Muslims, tolerate his drinking even after he has converted to Islam? By drinking, he has turned himself into a man of bad character. If you can make him a good man again, then his conversion will have been successful. Therefore, please see to it that as a Muslim, he abandons wine and women. If this change does not occur, his conversion will be a failure, and we must withhold our cooperation from him.”

India is undoubtedly the motherland of all Muslims in this country. Therefore, every Muslim should cooperate in the struggle for India’s independence. The Congress is not for any single class or community; it is for the entire nation. It is open for the Muslims to take possession of the Congress. If they wish, they can advance the Congress by their sheer numbers and steer it according to their preferences. The Congress is fighting not just on behalf of the Hindus, but on behalf of the entire nation, including the minorities. It would pain me to hear if a Muslim died at the hands of a Congress worker. In the impending revolution, Congress workers will lay down their lives to protect a Muslim from a Hindu’s attack, and vice versa. This is a part of their ideal and a fundamental aspect of non-violence. In such circumstances, there will be no room for you to lose your heads. Every Congress worker, whether Hindu or Muslim, will discharge this duty, which will serve their Islam. Mutual trust is essential for success in the final national struggle that is approaching.

I have said that due to the opposition of the Muslim League and the British, we will have to make far greater sacrifices in this struggle. You have seen the secret circular issued by Sir Frederick Puckle. It is a suicidal path he has taken. It openly encourages the new organizations springing up to fight the Congress. Thus, we have to confront an empire whose path is crooked. Our path is straight; we can walk it even with our eyes closed. This is the beauty of Satyagraha.

In Satyagraha, there is no room for deceit, falsehood, or any kind of untruth. Today, deceit and untruth have spread across the world. I cannot be a passive witness to this situation. I have perhaps traveled to every corner of India during this time like no one else has. The silent millions of the country have seen me as their friend and representative, and I identified with them as closely as is humanly possible. I saw trust in their eyes, which I now wish to put to good use by fighting this empire, which is built on falsehood and violence. No matter how massive the preparations the empire has made, we must slip out of its grasp. How can I remain silent at this supreme moment and keep my light hidden under a bushel? If I sit quietly today, God will punish me for not using the divine gift He gave me, while the whole world is engulfed in a massive inferno. If circumstances were different, I would have told you to wait a while. But now, the situation has become unprecedentedly intolerable, and the Congress has no other way out.

However, the actual struggle does not commence this very moment. You have merely placed all your powers in my hands. I will now go to the Viceroy and plead with him to accept the Congress’s demand. This process will likely take two or three weeks. What will you do during this time? What is the program for this interval, so that everyone can participate? As you know, the spinning wheel (Charkha) is the first thing that comes to my mind. I gave the same answer to Maulana Sahib. He did not accept it, although he later realized its importance. The fourteen-point constructive program is, of course, there for you to implement. But beyond that, what must you do? I will tell you. From now on, everyone should consider himself an independent man or woman and act as if they are free, and no longer live under this imperialism.

It is not the act of a boastful man that I am telling you this. This is the essence of freedom. The bond of the slave snaps the very moment he begins to consider himself a free man. He will boldly tell his master: “I was your slave until this moment, but I am a slave no longer. You may kill me if you wish, but if you keep me alive, I wish to tell you that if you yourself release me from my chains, I will ask for nothing more. You used to feed and clothe me, although I could have earned my food and clothing through my own labor. I depended on you all this time, but now God has inspired me with an urge for freedom, and today I am a free man, no longer dependent on you.”

You may take it from me that I am not going to negotiate with the Viceroy for ministerships and the like. I will be satisfied with nothing less than complete independence. Perhaps, he will propose the abolition of the salt tax, the evils of drinking, and so on. But I will say, “Nothing less than freedom.”

Here is a mantra, a short one, that I am giving you. You imprint it on your hearts and let every breath of yours give expression to it. The mantra is: “Do or Die.” We shall either free India or die in the attempt; we shall not live to see the perpetuation of our slavery. Every true Congressman will join this struggle with the firm resolve not to remain alive to see the country in bondage. Let this be your pledge. Forget about the prisons. If the government keeps me free, I will not put the government under the strain of maintaining a large number of prisoners while they are in trouble. Let every man and woman live every moment of his or her life hereafter in the consciousness that he or she is free and be prepared to lay down their lives, if necessary, to achieve that goal. Take a pledge, with God and your own conscience as witness, that you will rest no longer till freedom is achieved and will lay down your lives in the attempt. He who loses his life will gain it; he who seeks to save it will lose it. Freedom is not ordained for the cowardly or the faint-hearted.

A word to the journalists. I congratulate you for the support you have given to the national demand thus far. I know the restrictions and constraints under which you have to work. But I would tell you now to break the chains that bind you. It should be a matter of pride for the press that they are ready to lay down their lives for freedom.

You have the pen, which the government cannot silence. I know you hold great assets, including printing presses, and you may fear that the government might confiscate them. I am not asking you to invite the confiscation of your printing presses. My own press was once confiscated and later returned. But I am not asking you to make that ultimate sacrifice. I suggest a middle path. You should now suspend your Standing Committees, and they can announce that they will resume their pens only when India attains her freedom. They can tell Sir Frederick Puckle that he cannot expect a command performance from them, that his press notes are false, and that they will refuse to publish them. They will declare openly that they are entirely with the Congress. If you do this, you will have changed the atmosphere before the battle even begins.

Of the Princes, I ask only a small thing. I have all respect for the Princes. I was born in a native state. My grandfather refused to salute any Prince with his right hand. But he did not say to the Prince what he ought to have said—that even his own subjects could not force him to act against his conscience. I have eaten the salt of the Princes, and I will not be false to it. As a loyal servant, I will carefully tell them that if they act during my lifetime, the Princes may occupy an honorable place in a free India. In Jawaharlal’s blueprint for a free India, there is no place for any class or special privileges. Jawaharlal considers all property to belong to the state. He stresses the need for a planned economy. He wants to reconstruct India according to a plan. He wants to fly; I do not. I have left a place for the Princes in the India I envision. I humbly request the Princes to relinquish ownership of their properties and become true trustees for them. I want to see God in the assembly of the people. Let the Princes say to their people, “You are the owners of the state, and we serve you.” I ask the Princes to become servants of the people and render an account of their service. The empire also grants power to the Princes, but they should seek to derive their power from the people. And if they wish to enjoy some innocent pleasures, they may do so as servants of the people. I am not asking the Princes to become destitutes. But I ask them: “Do you wish to remain slaves forever? Why don’t you, instead of paying homage to a foreign power, accept the sovereignty of your own people?” You can write to the Political Department: “The people have now awakened. How can we stand against an avalanche that is breaking even great empires? Therefore, from today, we shall align ourselves with the people. We shall sink or swim with them.” Believe me, there is nothing unconstitutional in the path I am recommending. As far as I know, there is no treaty that allows the empire to coerce the Princes. The subjects of the states will also declare that they belong to the Princes, that they are part of the Indian nation, and that they will accept the leadership of the Princes—if the Princes cast their lot with the people, they will embrace death but will not back down from their pledge.

However, nothing should be done in secrecy. This is an open rebellion. In this struggle, secrecy is a sin. A free man will not participate in a secret movement. It is possible that when you achieve freedom, you will have your own CID, although I have advised against it. But in the present struggle, we must work openly and take the bullets in our chests, without fleeing.

I also wish to say a few words to the government servants. If they wish, they need not resign their posts just yet. The late Justice Ranade did not resign, but he openly declared that he was a member of the Congress. He told the government that although he was a judge, he was a Congressman and would openly attend the Congress sessions; but at the same time, he would not allow his political views to interfere with the impartiality of the court. He organized the Social Reform Conference in the Congress pandal. I would ask all government servants to follow in Ranade’s footsteps and declare their allegiance to the Congress as a response to Sir Frederick Puckle’s secret circular.

This is all I ask of you for now. Now I will write a letter to the Viceroy. You cannot read the correspondence of that letter right now, but you will be able to read it once I publish it with the Viceroy’s consent. However, you are free to express your support for the demand for independence. A judge came to me and asked: “We receive secret circulars from high places. What should we do?” I replied, “If I were in your position, I would ignore the circulars. You can openly tell the government: ‘I have received your secret circular, but I am with the Congress. Although I serve the government for my livelihood, I will not obey these secret circulars, nor will I resort to secret methods.'”

The army is also covered by the present program. I am not asking them to resign their posts and leave the army right now. Soldiers have come to me, to Jawaharlal, and to Maulana and said: “We are entirely with you. We are tired of the government’s exploitation.” To these soldiers I will say: You tell the government, “Our hearts are with the Congress. We will not resign our posts. As long as we receive your pay, we will serve you. We will obey your just orders, but we will refuse to fire upon our own people.”

To those who dare not go this far, I have nothing to say. They will follow their own path. But if you can do just this much, believe me, the entire atmosphere will become electrified. Let the government drop bombs then, if they wish. But no power on earth will then be able to keep you in bondage.

If students wish to join the struggle but intend to return to their studies after a while, I will not invite them to do so. However, at present, until I formulate a program for the struggle, I will tell the students to say to their professors: “We belong to the Congress. Do you belong to the Congress, or to the government? If you belong to the Congress, you need not resign your post. You will remain in your post, but teach us and guide us on the path to freedom.” In all the struggles for freedom across the world, students have made massive contributions.

If we have some time before the struggle begins, and if you can act upon the few suggestions I have given, you will transform the atmosphere and prepare the ground for the next step.

There is much I wish to say. But my heart is heavy. I have already taken a lot of time. I will now say a few words in English. I thank you for your patience and attention, for having listened to me despite it being so late. This is exactly what true soldiers would do. For the last twenty-two years, I have controlled my speech and my pen, and conserved my energy. He is a true Brahmachari who does not fritter away his energy. He will, therefore, always control his speech. That has been my conscious effort all these years. But today, a moment has arrived when I had to pour out my heart to you. I have done so, even if it meant taxing your patience; and I do not regret doing it. I have given you my message, and through it, I have reached every corner of India.

I have taken such a long time to present before you the thoughts that have been weighing upon my heart, to those whom it has been my privilege to serve recently. I have been called their leader, or in military parlance, their commander. But I do not view my position in that light. I possess no weapons to wield authority over anyone, save love. I have a walking stick in my hand, which you could snap into pieces very easily. It is merely my staff, with the help of which I walk. Such a crippled man is not delighted when he is asked to carry the greatest burden. You can share that burden only if I appear before you not as your commander, but as a humble servant. And he who serves best is the chief among equals.

For this reason, I was compelled to share with you the thoughts welling up in my heart, and to tell you briefly what I expect you to do as a first step.

First of all, I wish to tell you that the actual struggle does not commence today. I have yet to go through certain formalities, as I always do. I admit, this will become an almost unusual burden. I must remain engaged with circles in which I have lost my faith and who no longer have faith in me. I know that over the past few weeks, I have lost the trust of many of my friends, who have even begun to doubt my intelligence and integrity. But I say, my intelligence is not such a precious gem that I cannot afford to lose it; however, my integrity is a priceless jewel to me, and I cannot risk losing it. Yet, it seems I have lost it now.

Such a situation arises in the life of a man who is a spotless seeker of truth, and who wishes to serve humanity and his country to the best of his ability, without fear or false persona. For the last fifty years, I have known no other path. I have been a humble servant of humanity and have rendered on more than one occasion such service as I could to the Empire, and here let me say without fear of challenge that throughout my career, I have never asked for any personal favor. I have enjoyed the privilege of friendship as I do today with Lord Linlithgow. It is a friendship that has transcended official relations. Just as Lord Linlithgow introduced his daughter to me, his son-in-law, the A.D.C., took a great liking to me and came to me. He loved Mahadev more than me, and Lady Anna also came to me. She is a trusting and beloved daughter. I am interested in their welfare. I mention these personal and sacred relationships here only to emphasize that personal relationships will never stand in the way of a struggle, if it falls to my lot to struggle against Lord Linlithgow as the representative of the Empire. I shall then be compelled to wage a peaceful struggle against the might of that Empire, wherein the use of violence will be strictly forbidden.

Now the sacred memory of Charlie Andrews comes back to me. The spirit of Andrews hovers around me at this moment. For me, he embodied the finest traditions of English culture. My relationship with him was much closer than with any other Indian. I had earned a certain trust with him. There were no secrets between us. Whatever was on his mind, he expressed without hesitation. It is true, he was a friend of Gurudev, but he looked up to Gurudev with reverence. There was a special kind of humility in him. But with me, he became the closest of friends. Many years ago, he brought me a letter of introduction from Gokhale. Pearson and he were prime examples among Englishmen. I know his spirit is listening to my words today.

Following that, I received a warm letter of congratulations from the Metropolitan Archbishop of Calcutta. I regard him as a man of God. Today, he is against me.

Against all this background, I want to declare to the world that although I may have lost the respect of many friends in the West and must bow my head; I cannot, for the sake of their friendship or love, suppress the voice of the conflict within—to reveal the true nature of my heart today. There is something within me that compels me to voice my agony. I know humanity. I have studied a bit of psychology. Such a man knows exactly what is happening. I do not mind how you describe it. That little voice within tells me, “You have to stand against the whole world, even if you have to stand alone. You have to stare the world in the face, even if the world looks at you with bloodshot eyes. Do not fear. Trust that little voice within.” It says, “Forsake friends, wife, and everything; but bear witness to that for which you have lived and for which you must die. I want to live my full life span. And for me, I calculate my life span to be 120 years. By that time, India will be free, the world will be free.”

Let me tell you, I do not regard England or America as free countries. They are free in their own way, free to hold the colored races of the world in bondage. Are England and America fighting for the freedom of these races today? If not, then do not ask me to wait until after the war. You shall not limit my concept of freedom. The English and American teachers, their history, their magnificent poetry—have they said that you cannot expand the definition of freedom? And in my interpretation of that freedom, I am constrained to say, they are unacquainted with the freedom described by their teachers and poets. If they wish to know true freedom, they should come to India. They must come not with their arrogance or pride, but with the spirit of genuine seekers of truth. This is a fundamental truth that India has been experimenting with for 22 years.

Unconsciously, the Congress has long been operating on the basis of non-violence, known as constitutional methods. Dadabhai and Pherozeshah, who held the Congress for India, became rebels. They were lovers of the Congress. They were its masters. But more than that, they were its true servants. They never countenanced murder, secrecy, and the like. I admit, there are many black sheep among our Congressmen. But I have faith in India today that they will participate in a non-violent struggle. I believe this because, by my nature, I rely on the innate goodness of human nature, which grasps the truth and surges forth almost as a spontaneous reaction in times of crisis. But even if I am deceived in this, I shall not stray from the path. I shall not turn back. From its earliest days, the Congress built its policy on peaceful methods, which included Swaraj, and the subsequent generation added non-violence. When Dadabhai entered the British Parliament, Salisbury called him a black man; but the English people defeated Salisbury, and Dadabhai entered Parliament by their votes. India was thrilled with joy. But India has now moved far beyond all those things.

However, with all this background, I want the English, the Europeans, and all the United Nations to search their hearts and ask: what crime has India committed by demanding her freedom? I ask, is it right for you to brand an organization with a long-standing tradition and a record of over half a century as guilty of treason, and subject its efforts to global humiliation? Is it right to present the Indian struggle as a terrifying caricature, with the help of the foreign press, the President of the United States, or even the Generalissimo of China, who did not earn his laurels to do so? I have met the Generalissimo. I know him through Madame Chiang, who was my interpreter; and though he seemed inscrutable to me, he was not so to Madame Chiang; and she allowed me to read his mind. A chorus of protest and self-righteousness has been raised against us across the world. They say we are wrong, the movement is irrelevant. I had a profound respect for British diplomacy, which enabled them to hold onto the Empire. Now it stinks in my nostrils, and others are studying that diplomacy and applying it. They may for a while sway world public opinion to their side using these methods; but India will speak out against that world opinion. She will raise her voice against all organized propaganda. I will speak against it. Even if all the United Nations oppose me, even if India abandons me completely, I will say, “You are wrong. India will wrest her freedom from unwilling hands through non-violence.” I shall go forward, not just for India, but for the world. Even if my eyes close before freedom comes, non-violence will not end. If they oppose Indian non-violent freedom, they will deal a fatal blow to China and Russia, who are unconditionally pleading for settlement. Does a creditor ever approach a debtor in this manner? And even when India faces such aggressive opposition, she says, “We will not strike below the belt, we have learned enough decency. We are pledged to non-violence.” I forged the Congress’s policy of non-embarrassment, and today you hear me using this strong language. I will say, this is consistent with our honor. If a man takes me by the throat and tries to drown me, can I not struggle to free myself directly? There is no contradiction in our position today.

Representatives of the foreign press are present here today. Through them, I wish to say to the world that those who are in any way demanding India’s necessity now have the opportunity to declare India free and prove their bona fides. If they miss this, they will lose the greatest opportunity of their lives, and history will record that they failed to do their duty by India in time, and they lost the war. I want the blessings of all the countries of the world so that I may succeed with them. I do not want the Allied powers to go beyond their clear limitations. I do not ask them to adopt non-violence today and disarm themselves. There is a fundamental difference between Fascism and this Imperialism against which I am struggling. What do the British need from India, which they hold in chains? Imagine the difference it would make if India participated as a free ally. If that freedom is to come, it must come today. If you do not apply the power you have to help today, it will have no meaning later. But if you do apply it, in the brilliant light of freedom, what seems impossible today will become possible tomorrow. If India can feel that freedom, she will demand that same freedom for China. The path to helping Russia will open up. The British did not die on the soil of Malaya or Burma. What must be done to retrieve our situation? Where shall we go, and where shall we lead the four hundred million people of India? How will it be possible to inspire this vast mass of humanity for the liberation of the world, until they feel the sensation of their own freedom? Today, they do not feel the touch of life at all. It has been imposed upon them. A new spark must be brought to their eyes; freedom must come today—not tomorrow, but today.

I have pledged the Congress, and the Congress will do or die.